World Cup 2026: North America Missed the Goal

This article was originally published by Formiche.net on July 18, 2026.

The 2026 World Cup is the first ever with three hosts (the United States, Mexico, and Canada). It is also the first in which one of the hosts has threatened to invade or annex the other two in the months prior to the tournament. When the North American partners were chosen over Morocco by FIFA’s membership to host the 2026 tournament, the respective leaders celebrated the winning bid. Then Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto called the three nations “deeply united.” Even amidst a trade dispute with the United States, then Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau anticipated a “great tournament.” U.S. President Trump cited his own hard work on “getting the World Cup to come to the U.S.A, Mexico and Canada.” Some analysts attributed the outcome to “the promotion of Canda and Mexico as true partners of the U.S.”

Hosting the 2026 World Cup took on even greater significance with the July 1, 2020 entry into force of the United States Mexico Canada Agreement (USMCA) which replaced the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The convergence of sport and trade created an opportunity for North America to celebrate its 30 years of economic integration and enhanced competitiveness while also promoting the region’s culture.

Prior to and apart from the USMCA review, analysts encouraged the governments to capitalize on the opportunity. For instance, a group of former U.S. and Mexican ambassadors, called the 2026 World Cup “an important platform to showcase North America as a region,” and recommended the establishment of “trilateral planning committees, with a subcommittee to focus on the messaging of the tournament, and on common public diplomacy initiatives in the three host countries.” Echoing this call for coordination, advocates for greater North America integration imagined novel mechanisms like a three-nation visa to facilitate fans’ movement around the region or trilateral tourism promotion campaigns to encourage visitors to extend their stays or visit non-host cities. Not only did this not occur, but when the United States cited unspecified concerns to deny entry to a referee from Somalia, Canadian municipal officials invited the referee to officiate matches in Vancouver and Toronto. Though FIFA officials’ training requirements preventing the referee from doing so, the episode underscores the lack of coordination among the host countries. Mexico granting permission for the Iranian team to train and sleep in Tijuana when the U.S. was willing only to permit the Iranians to enter the U.S. on scheduled match days again demonstrates the lack of coordination.

Further underscoring the absence of a trilateral vision, in a recent public appearance, Andrew Guliani, Executive Director of the White House Task Force for the 2026 FIFA World Cup, made scant reference to Mexico or Canada aside from mentioning their inclusion in a trilateral working group charged with defending stadiums from unmanned drone attacks. He described the World Cup as an opportunity to celebrate American (meaning U.S.) exceptionalism and to highlight the hope and promise of the United States.

For Mexico, the past 18 months have been fraught with tension with its northern neighbor over trade, security, and migration. While the two countries traditionally addressed these topics in separate “buckets,” the Trump Administration considers them to be inter-connected. Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum has thus far carefully managed the relationship though the threat of disruption is always present. USMCA contains a novel review clause which obliges the parties to “conduct a “joint review” of the operation of this Agreement,” after six years. Negotiations between the United States and Mexico are under way despite Trump’s imposition of tariffs on Mexican (and Canadian)-made goods. Mexico has voiced few demands and has focused primarily on addressing U.S. concerns. Trump as recently as June 17 said he “would rather not have” the USMCA, yet most experts expect the pact to remain in place with annual reviews occurring per the terms of the agreement.

On the security front, Sheinbaum’s administration has enhanced bilateral cooperation and coordination compared to her mentor and predecessor, Andres Manual Lopez Obrador. This has included the extradition of nearly 100 individuals indicted in the U.S. Nevertheless, Trump continues to threaten armed action if Mexico cannot adequately combat the flows of illegal drugs, including fentanyl, into the United States. Sheinbaum has called for dialogue and mutual efforts to address their differences while continuing to defend Mexican sovereignty. Still, the recent indictment of a sitting governor affiliated with Sheinbaum’s Morena party by the U.S. Department of Justice and the deaths of two CIA officers whose presence in Mexico may not have been authorized, have generated increased domestic pressure on Sheinbaum to push back more firmly.

Sheinbaum has maintained an approval rating consistently at about 70% since she took office in October 2024. However, labor groups representing teachers, the mothers of Mexico’s 130,000 disappeared persons, truck drivers demanding better road safety, health workers, and others took advantage of global attention on Mexico in advance of the June 11 opening match to launch the largest protest against her administration. Whether these marches will spawn additional and more regular protests remains to be seen.

Many hoped that the 2026 World Cup would solidify North America as a region and as an economic and cultural powerhouse. While the Cup may prove to be an economic success for some of the sponsors and host cities, and in terms of the matches, it will not deliver on its promise. Sadly, North America missed what should have been an easy goal.

Andrew I. Rudman is a senior associate (non-resident) in the Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.