The Role of Social Media in Cartel Recruitment

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In a U.S. Southern Command Posture Statement to Congress, Navy Admiral Craig S. Faller made the point that “we can’t interdict our way out of the narcotics problem”—a conclusion reverberated by his successor, Army General Laura Richardson. While interdiction plays a critical role in reducing the number of illicit drugs crossing the U.S.-Mexico border, without a plan to stop the cartels from plenishing their ranks, the United States will continue to spend billions of dollars on human capital at the border, putting U.S. servicemen and women in danger. Recent actions by Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum have also focused on interdiction, but unlike her predecessor, who espoused dubious anti-recruitment efforts, her evolving security strategy has the potential to include evidence-based policies to tackle recruitment, particularly focused on youth. With platforms like TikTok, Facebook, and Signal now central to the recruitment process, it is imperative to understand how social media and messaging platforms have transformed organized crime recruitment into a scalable and decentralized process.

Vulnerabilities of Mexican Youth

Cartels exploit resentment of economic inequality and step in to fill a void left by the state to promote social mobility. While on paper the employment rate in Mexico has averaged 96 percent for 20 years, in reality, over 56 percent of those employed report being part of the informal sector. This percentage is nearly double what other large economies like Brazil report (37 percent). Workers in the informal economy not only make half the amount, on average, of their formal-economy counterparts, but also lack any benefits typically associated with a formal position, such as access to medical care, paid leave, social security, and pension plans, making it almost impossible for them to retire in old age. Unlike Islamist terrorist organizations—which are guided by religious ideology—cartels are mainly guided by economic gain, and so are their recruits.

Labor informality rates present a unique opportunity for cartels to make inroads even in populated city centers across Mexico. Earlier this year, Mexico’s Ministry of Interior reported states and localities with the highest cases of youth recruitment by criminal organizations in 2024, among them were border towns and disadvantaged localities in city centers or tourist destinations. Localities in Mexico City with high labor informality and poverty rates, like Iztapalapa (45.3 percent informality and 35.0 percent poverty) and Gustavo A. Madero (45.3 percent informality and 28.0 percent poverty), figured among the top. The stark discrepancy in wages between the formal and informal sectors has a significant impact on perceptions of inequality. The difference in wages in Iztapalapa, for example, is MXN 8,910 per month in the formal sector compared to the MXN 4,450 in the informal sector. To illustrate the appeal of cartel recruitment, some posts advertising jobs with the Sinaloa Cartel promise MXN 4,500 per week (or USD 920 a month) or more “depending on performance.”

Intermunicipal and interstate labor migration has been a constant feature within Mexico, but recent reports suggest that cartels have been able to recruit not only from various states in Mexico but also from other countries in Latin America, like Guatemala and Colombia. In Guatemala, reports suggest Mexican cartels posing as private security companies target former and active Kaibiles, the name given to the elite soldiers of the Guatemalan Army who receive specialized combat training. They offer these Guatemalan groups between GTQ 24,000 and GTQ 56,000 per month (USD 3,000 and USD 7,000). In Colombia, Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) focuses on the trafficking of women and also on the recruitment of former military personnel to join its ranks. In these cases, the modus operandi is not digital recruitment, but instead, these people are contacted by an alleged security agency to work in Veracruz with a monthly salary of COL 7 million (approximately USD 1,750). Upon arriving in Mexico, it is evident that the job offer was a front for cartel employment. Arguably, the more ubiquitous digital recruitment becomes, the more opportunities the cartels have of reaching their target audience, thus theoretically decreasing their reliance on forced recruitment.

Shockingly, many youth approach cartels themselves. One Meta employee cited anecdotal evidence that the social media company discovered nearly half of recruitments taking place on the Facebook platform from individuals asking cartel-affiliated pages how to join. These users often romanticize cartel life, having been influenced by viral content, and also look for a way to take home a higher salary.

Having a young and capable workforce is essential for cartels to sustain violent turf wars and expand their operations, given that cartels lose an estimated average of 350 members per week. Mathematical modelling done by the magazine Science revealed that cartels in Mexico were the fifth-largest employer in the country, outpacing large-scale national employers like PEMEX or Pepsi Co. Furthermore, working for a criminal organization has lower barriers to entry. High dropout rates, particularly after middle school, are common in cartel-dominated regions. In states like Sinaloa, for example, only 20 percent of the population finishes high school, and 10 percent completes university. Working for an established and resourceful criminal organization may present opportunities for young people to achieve a lifestyle otherwise out of reach.

From Alleyways to Algorithms

Cartels are, by nature, enterprises that adapt to emerging forms of technology in the interest of recruitment and maintaining their ranks. Cartel members and their allies have long used social media for what is understood as “propaganda” efforts by cartel organizations. These posts focus more on glamorizing narcoculture and normalizing cartel membership. It is common to see social media posts exhibiting exotic animals as pets, as well as luxury vehicles and jewelry. In recent years, however, cartels have expanded their use of these tools to identify and engage with potential recruits, allowing them to reach remote areas of the country and gain access to a more tailored audience.

The shift from street-level recruitment to algorithm-enhanced digital outreach leverages the best qualities of social media: An account will be shown to a user who seems interested in, or who has engaged with, similar or relevant content, leading to more specialized content in a cyclical way. Another benefit of social media is maintaining de facto anonymity, while providing opportunities for further engagement via direct messages and oftentimes moving the conversation from the social media platform to an end-to-end encrypted messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal.

Recent reports about a ranch in the state of Jalisco that was allegedly used by criminal organizations to hold and train (and some say, kill) recent recruits chilled the international community. The subsequent investigation revealed that one of the most efficient methods for recruitment by cartels in Mexico is by posting opaque job ads on social media and advertising the lifestyle these positions can bring to the recruit. The posts depict employment listings like security personnel or personal drivers, and in the captions or main frame, the posts include combinations of letters, numbers, and emojis that allude to the major Mexican cartels. A report by Colegio de Mexico laid out the different emoji combinations seen in over 100 recruitment posts on TikTok, a platform notorious for its lenient content moderation guidelines.

While the media has often referred to those whose remains were found in the camp as “forced recruits,” the nexus between employment offers and recruitment can be deduced by the language used in some of these posts. The “rooster emoji” for example (see Figure 1), is used as an allusion to the leader of the CJNG—Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, aka El Mencho (or “The Lord of the Roosters”), and the “NG” emoji is used to bypass censorship filters on social media and still allude to the CJNG. There is a possibility that cartels use conventional media (like newspapers and neighborhood announcements) to deceive people into believing they are offering standard jobs, or that cartels use coercion and blackmail to force people into working for them.

Remote Visualization

Beyond social media, cartels are also using messaging platforms such as Twitch and Discord, as well as popular video game chats like Free Fire, Battlefield, Fortnite, and Call of Duty, to contact potential recruits, particularly minors and mostly young men. This presents a significant risk to youth. In a 2023 report, the Mexican government estimated that over 87.5 percent of those under 20 years old play video games, and almost half of them interact with others online while playing any type of video game.

Mexican cartels have shown interest in recruiting teenagers, and in some cases children, in the age range of 6–17 years old, not only because it gives them access to a young workforce, but also because the longer these youth are with the cartels, the more accustomed they become to the cartel’s lifestyle. The Network for Children’s Rights in Mexico reported in 2021 that around 30,000 teenagers (ages 12–15) had been recruited by the cartels, and the number of children is still unknown. The normalization of cartel activity can also move youth from less serious to more serious activities. While the roles that children and teenagers play in criminal organizations range from messengers and surveillance of safe houses, as they grow older, they can participate in the manufacturing, transport, and selling of illicit drugs as well as contract killing.

After an account holder has contacted a potential recruit, the cartel representative sends a link to a WhatsApp group. In the group, recruiters ask those interested in joining to send a video of themselves saying their full name, age, state, and asserting that they are not being forced to join. It is evident from screenshots of these posts that the cartels are willing to pay for the recruits’ transportation to Jalisco or Sinaloa, and they offer “free housing, food, and military training.” By taking advantage of social media’s wide reach, cartels are able to reach potential recruits all over Mexico, attracting young people from lower-income states like Guerrero, but also tourist destinations as far as Quintana Roo. The cartel operative then meets the potential recruit at the local bus station and transports them to the training center. In February of this year, 38 people, primarily men, were detained at the aforementioned camp in Teuchitlán, Jalisco—the same site at which authorities uncovered the mass grave a month and a half later. Thirty-five of these individuals were later released on the grounds that they were forcibly recruited and therefore were victims, not perpetrators.

The Role of Social Media Platforms

Content moderation is not just about disinformation. While most platforms have kept censorship filters for content showing violence and content tied to criminal organizations, most of these filters are AI-powered. Harnessing the power of AI models for content moderation is critical given the vast amounts of content produced by cartel-affiliated accounts. Yet, recent revelations about how cartels have adapted, leveraging emojis, slang, and acronyms, to bypass content filters emphasize the relevance of human moderators. Even when social media platforms invest in human moderators, language limitations, cultural literacy around narcoculture and slang, and a lack of regional knowledge present monumental challenges. Unfortunately, in the last year, Meta, the parent company of Facebook and WhatsApp, and TikTok have both significantly scaled back their content moderation efforts.

After the release of the Colegio de Mexico report, Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection Omar García Harfuch announced that Mexico’s cyber-intelligence unit closed down 200 social media accounts linked to criminal organizations, likely a small fraction of those still active. It is important to note that even if the content itself or the accounts are removed, cartel influencers and recruiters quickly reemerge under new handles, and content can be recycled indefinitely once it has been created.

Last month, Mexico’s ruling party introduced a new telecommunications and broadcasting bill that, if enacted into law, would dramatically change the landscape for social media platforms. The bill seeks to enable the Digital Transformation and Telecommunications Agency to cooperate with the relevant authorities to “temporarily block a Digital Platform, in cases where it is appropriate due to noncompliance with the provisions or obligations set forth in the respective regulations applicable to them” (Article 109, author’s translation). It is unclear who would be responsible for establishing the obligations and regulations for social media platforms, and whether both regulations by the Mexican government and the platforms’ own terms and conditions are binding. Critics of the law argue that this could help the Sheinbaum administration censor the opposition, but if used correctly, this could give security officials a tool to pressure social media platforms to implement stricter content moderation and more prompt removal of cartel-related content.

The Role of the Mexican Government

Combating digital recruitment demands more than removing content. It requires rebuilding trust in the social contract—ensuring the Mexican youth have real alternatives so as to limit the broader appeal of criminal groups. The Mexican government must work to rein in the reach of criminal organizations in the digital space. Reducing the number of posts to which youth are exposed would be a great first step. Further actions include creating media literacy campaigns in schools to identify cartel propaganda and misleading job postings on social media. Media literacy should teach students to recognize manipulation while redirecting youth to alternative online spaces for a greater sense of belonging and purpose. This is particularly important for children ages 6–12 who seek community building in online forums like Twitch and Discord. Lastly, the Mexican government and civil society should create “de-influencing” content highlighting former cartel members or those forcibly recruited by cartels to debunk cartel myths, such as living in luxury.

However, the most sustainable solutions begin offline. The Mexican government should foster a friendly investment environment to attract companies seeking to nearshore their operations and provide incentives for them to relocate to subregions of Mexico that have traditionally not attracted investment (central and southwest). Simultaneously, the government could work in conjunction with universities in the United States and with the private sector to create job training programs in competitive sectors such as semiconductor assembly and packaging and manufacturing. Criminal organizations dedicate large amounts of resources to mobilize recruits—providing transport to a different state, and at times providing them with iPads and phones among other resources. Similar incentives could steer labor inputs from the central and southwestern regions in Mexico to the north. The ripple effects of creating a more vibrant investing environment, mixed with robust programming for those at risk of recruitment, could create more modest but safe opportunities that youth seek.

Rubi Bledsoe is a research associate with the Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.